At Wind’s Wake

The Offshore Wind Buildout on Taiwan's Fishing Coast

5th in the world for offshore wind capacity

In September 2025, Taiwan ranked second globally for newly installed offshore wind capacity in 2024 alone. By March 2026, total installed capacity had reached 4.5 GW.

In less than a decade, Taiwan built from nothing to surpassing Denmark — the country that pioneered offshore wind over the last thirty years.

Denmark Taiwan

This represents one of the most ambitious energy transitions of the 21st century.

13.1 GW by 2030
40–55 GW by 2050

Fei-Chun Wu  ·  Policy Researcher  ·  Taiwan Ocean and Environmental Sustainability Law Center | Environmental Rights Foundation

← Click for voice-over
Fishing boats grounded on the sandbar at low tide, Taizi Village, Yunlin County
A fisherman on deck before dawn, gear laid out for the day

Before the Wind Farms

Gaomei Wetlands, without the 18 wind turbines along the coast of Taichung County known as “Windmill Boulevard.

Before the wind farms, Taiwan's western coast was already a working world: boats leaving before dawn, fishermen reading tide and weather by habit, families organized around the uncertainty of the sea. This was not an empty stretch of water waiting to be used. It was a coast already known, worked, and lived in.

Ping-Shun Li, Chairman of the Yunlin County Offshore Fishing Boat Association, did not come to the sea because he had no other options. He tried almost everything else first. His parents were bakers, and he had held a pastry license since he was young. He spent two years making cakes in Sydney, then moved through Manila, Myanmar, Fiji, and mainland China, where he worked construction, drove an excavator, and managed factory employees. Nothing fit. When he returned to Yunlin County, he found one of his family's boats sitting unused and, on an impulse he still cannot fully explain, took it out to sea despite knowing almost nothing about fishing.

The beginning was brutal. For three months he was so seasick he had to stop the boat mid-route to vomit before continuing on. For three years he lost everything he had earned abroad, along with the money his father lent him. His wife urged him to stop. The work was expensive, dangerous, and uncertain. He promised her he would try for only three years. If it still did not work, he would quit.

She has now granted him that three-year promise seven times. More than twenty years later, he is still at sea. What kept him there was not stability or profit, but a feeling he had not found anywhere else.

“And I realized that we are happy at sea.”

Ping-Shun Li · Chairman, Yunlin County Offshore Fishing Boat Association

For Li, the sea offered something no factory or office ever had. It was hard, uncertain, and dangerous, but it was also his. Its rhythms were set not by a boss or a clock, but by tide, weather, judgment, and sheer will.

But not everyone on this coast came to the sea by choice.

Li is in his early fifties and, by local standards, still relatively junior. Around him are men who have spent forty and fifty years on the water, some of whom began as children on their fathers' boats, learning to read current and weather before they were old enough for school. In neighboring Changhua County, Wu-Quan Zhang, a gillnet and longline fisherman, has lived by the sea his whole life. When he was old enough to work, the coast was simply where he worked.

For many fishermen along this coast, the sea is not a calling discovered later in life. It is an inheritance. You are born near the water. Your father fishes. You learn. You fish. Your children watch, and some of them will fish too. That pattern, repeated across generations, is one reason the coast cannot be understood only as a workplace. It is also a social world, a way of life passed down within families.

Zong-Ru Shen, Section Chief of the Promotion and Outreach Department at the Changhua District Fishermen's Association, has spent years working across six coastal townships and knows the demographic pattern well. Most of Changhua's fishermen are now in their fifties and sixties, and many followed their fathers onto boats as children and never stopped.

Lunweiwan Fishing Harbor, Changhua County — where Shi-Xuan Lin’s boat departs each trip
Lunweiwan Fishing Port in Changhua County — the fishing harbor Lin works out of.

Shi-Xuan Lin, a gillnet and trap fisherman in Changhua County, has fished out of Lunweiwan Fishing Port for eleven years. He is still young for a commercial fisherman, but he speaks about the work with the intensity of someone who has worked countless hours to master their craft. The night before a trip, he checks the weather on four different services. He plans where to set the first net and where to move if the first comes up empty. He hauls his gillnets faster than anyone else in the harbor — thirty minutes instead of the usual hour or two — so the fish are still alive when they surface. He ices each one by hand, preserving the scales and keeping the color bright. At the Taichung fish market, his catch arrives looking different from everyone else's, and buyers bid accordingly.

"What I like about this job is: when we set our nets, we always have a target. But you never know what your net will bring up. If it comes up full of fish, you're really happy. And this job lets you earn money through your own accumulated experience and hard work."

Shi-Xuan Lin, Gillnet Fisherman, Lunweiwan Fishing Port

These fishermen do not all belong to the sea in the same way. For Li, it is a calling. For Zhang, it is a generational livelihood. For Lin, it is craft, built through accumulated experience and hard work. But all three are attached to the same working coast — organized by tide, season, routes, and fishing grounds known long before they were ever drawn onto an offshore wind planning map.

Offshore wind turbines on the horizon of the Taiwan Strait

Buildout

Changhua Coastal Industrial Park, located on reclaimed land, is a site of over 200 wind turbines and serves as one of the most famous coastal landmarks of Changhua

The same coast that had long sustained small-scale fishing was also unusually attractive for offshore wind. The Taiwan Strait acts as a natural wind tunnel: the northeast monsoon funnels through it for half the year, and average wind speeds along Taiwan's western coast reach roughly nine to eleven meters per second at hub height. Along the central-western shoreline, the seabed remains shallow for kilometers offshore, making it well suited for fixed-bottom foundations. The electrical grid is close to shore, and major industrial customers sit within transmission range. In energy terms, it was an ideal development corridor.

Taiwan's offshore wind program was launched under the name the Thousand Wind Turbines Project and unfolded in three phases. The first, the Demonstration Incentive Program, began in 2012 and was designed to prove that offshore wind could work in Taiwan's waters. The first offshore turbines were installed off Miaoli County in November 2016 as part of the 128-megawatt Formosa 1 project. A second demonstration farm, Taipower Phase 1, was later completed off Changhua County in 2021, close enough to be seen from shore.

Taipower Phase 1 wind farm seen from the shore of Changhua County
Taipower Phase 1, seen from the Changhua shoreline.

The second phase accelerated the buildout. The government opened thirty-six designated development zones along the western coast to competitive application and guaranteed twenty-year power purchase agreements at feed-in tariffs high enough to attract international developers, including Ørsted and Copenhagen Infrastructure Partners from Denmark, and wpd, the German developer later restructured as Skyborn Renewables. In the third phase, launched in 2021, developers were allowed to propose their own sites, and prices were driven down further through competition and corporate power-purchase agreements with buyers such as TSMC.

The result was concentrated most heavily in two counties: Changhua and Yunlin. More than half of Taiwan's installed offshore wind capacity now sits in the waters off these two stretches of coast. The map below shows every operating project in those waters.

Taiwan Strait Changhua Yunlin

Select a highlighted county to see its wind projects.

Changhua and Yunlin (highlighted) — together these two counties absorbed the first and largest wave of Taiwan’s offshore wind buildout. Select a county to explore its projects.

In principle, building wind farms in waters already used by fishermen required some form of public consent, or at least meaningful public process. Taiwan did have a formal mechanism for that. In practice, it barely functioned. The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) process required each project to hold a single public briefing in the township where the submarine cable came ashore. There was no requirement that the meeting be held at a fishing port, no minimum attendance, and no follow-up. Fei-Chun Wu, a policy researcher at the Taiwan Ocean and Environmental Sustainability Law Center who documented what fishermen knew about the projects planned for their waters, described the process as largely procedural: "They choose a time like a weekday morning. The people who go might just be nearby elderly people going to get the lunchbox. As long as you held the briefing and someone signed in, then formally it passes."

Beyond that briefing, the state largely withdrew. It drew the development zones, issued the permits, and left individual developers to negotiate compensation and manage the aftermath. There was no marine spatial planning, no dedicated mechanism for informing fishermen, and not even clear internal coordination within the state itself.

“…even our own central supervising agency did not know that national policy was moving in this direction.”

Zong-Ru Shen · Section Chief, Changhua District Fishermen’s Association

That surprise did not arrive everywhere in quite the same way. In Changhua, developers approached the district fishermen's association because they could not negotiate individually with tens of thousands of fishermen. But neither the association nor the fishermen had been clearly told what offshore wind would involve, and one early developer even began work before compensation negotiations were finished or any agreement had been signed. Shen remembered the bewilderment of that moment: a fisherman called one morning to ask why there were suddenly people in the water installing something enormous. In those early encounters, offshore wind did not appear first as policy or national planning, but as unexplained activity in familiar fishing grounds.

"And I think the developer had an attitude like: 'You don't understand anyway, so I can just brush you off. I just need to hurry up and install my turbines.'"

Zong-Ru Shen · Section Chief, Changhua District Fishermen’s Association
Yunlin offshore wind farm seen from Taizicun Fishing Harbor
Yunlin Offshore Wind Farm, seen from Taizicun Fishing Harbor.

The Yunlin Offshore Wind Farm was among the largest offshore wind farms in Taiwan: eighty turbines spread across eighty-two square kilometers of sea. It was developed by Yunneng Wind Power Co., a joint venture led by several foreign offshore wind companies. What made it especially consequential for local fishermen was not only its scale, but its location. The project was built at the near edge of the available development zone, beginning roughly eight kilometers from shore and extending to about seventeen. According to Ping-Shun Li, chairman of the Yunlin County Offshore Fishing Boat Association, the original plan had been farther offshore, beyond the shipping lane, where it would have overlapped less with active fishing grounds. He said the project was moved closer to shore because shallower water was cheaper. Whether or not that explanation can be independently verified, the outcome was clear: the turbines were placed directly inside the nearshore grounds where Yunlin's gillnet and longline fleet had worked for decades.

What the fishermen knew, however, lagged far behind what had already been decided. Wu's surveys found that many knew only that a wind farm would be built and that some form of compensation was being discussed. They did not know the exact coordinates, the turbine layout, or the cable routes.

"Because they didn't know exactly where it would be built, they thought maybe it had nothing to do with them."

Fei-Chun Wu · Policy Researcher, Taiwan Ocean and Environmental Sustainability Law Center

Li's first meeting with Yunneng was held at Chihai Temple in Taixi Township. There, he recalled, the company said it would be working in those waters for twenty years and offered NT$100,000 per fisherman — roughly $3,000 USD — as compensation for two decades of disruption. Li rejected the offer outright.

“Do not give us the money. We will give it to you. Just don’t come build it.”

Ping-Shun Li · Chairman, Yunlin County Offshore Fishing Boat Association

He spent the following year visiting the developer's office, trying to get someone to show him where the wind farm would be built. No one did. The fishermen learned the project's true location only in the summer of 2020, when Yunneng's work vessels arrived to prepare the seabed and tore nets that had already been set in the water. By then, the allocation of their fishing grounds had already happened and there was nothing to stop the buildout.

A work vessel and a small fishing boat — the scale difference visible

Conflicts

Local fisherman fishing against a backdrop of oyster aquaculture and the Yunlin Offshore Wind Farm

What followed in the waters off Changhua and Yunlin was not a single conflict, but several, unfolding at once—and they did not affect all fishermen equally. The severity of the impact depended on how a person fished, how far offshore they worked, how large their boat was, and how much control they had once their gear entered the water.

Taiwan's western coast supports several distinct kinds of fishing. Gillnet fishing is the dominant method along the Changhua and Yunlin coast, accounting for more than ninety percent of Changhua's fishing activity. A gillnet hangs vertically in the water, part floating and part submerged, catching fish by the gills as they swim into the mesh. Some are weighted and left overnight. Others — drift gillnets — float freely with the current for two to three hours while the fisherman waits nearby. The crucial fact is that once a drift gillnet is set, it cannot be steered. It moves wherever the tide and current take it. Longline fishing uses hooked lines targeting particular species at particular depths, making it somewhat more maneuverable around fixed structures. Trap fishing relies on baited cages placed on the seabed and is less affected by turbine foundations themselves, but highly vulnerable to damage from cable-laying and seabed disturbance. Trawling drags a large net along the ocean floor.

Fishermen at Taizicun Fishing Harbor organizing gillnets at the end of a day.

Offshore wind infrastructure does not obstruct every kind of fishing in the same way. What the diagram below makes clear is that the fishermen hit hardest were generally those whose gear drifted, whose boats were small, and whose grounds lay closest to shore. The buildout was not evenly distributed across the fishing community. It fell most heavily on the nearshore gillnet fishermen whose methods left them least able to adapt.

Impact by fishing method and distance from shore

1/3
Ping-Shun Li's current catch compared with before the wind farm
1 hour
instead of two or three hours of letting the gillnet drift
Spatial Tension

A drift gillnet moves with the tide for two to three hours, and the fisherman cannot steer it once it is in the water. A single turbine foundation in that path changes the entire operation: the net may snag on the structure, drift into a restricted area, or have to be hauled early before fish have entered. One foundation does not block one point. It blocks the corridor through which the net would have traveled. Multiply that by tens of foundations, cable routes, and safety perimeters, and the area effectively lost becomes far larger than the structures' physical footprint.

“The net drifts with the tide and the waves; it isn’t fixed in place. If you install a foundation out at sea, even if I’ve set my net correctly, I might have been able to haul it after three hours — but with your structure there, I might hit it in an hour. I’d have to haul the net up immediately. But at that time, fish may not even have entered the net yet.”

Zong-Ru Shen  ·  Section Chief, Changhua District Fishermen’s Association

60 of 80
Turbine foundations pile-driven in a single twelve-month sprint
12 cables
Laid across two corridors toward shore
0 lobsters
Remaining in the sandy-rock formations at the cable landfall zone, according to fishermen
Construction Tension

Pile-driving came first. In Yunlin, residents in Taizi Village said they could feel the vibration at night, and fishermen described a period when fish disappeared from surface waters during the heaviest phase of construction. Ping-Shun Li recalled a time when members of his association could barely cover wages.

“Every day it’s boom, boom, boom. Fish disappeared from the surface waters. The vibration was so strong that the fish all fled. During the construction period there was almost nothing to catch.”

Ping-Shun Li  ·  Chairman, Yunlin County Offshore Fishing Boating Association

Cable-laying caused a different kind of damage, and one many fishermen saw as more permanent. The developer's vessels trenched the seabed and buried the cables about 1.5 meters deep. One corridor crossed the intertidal zone, an ecologically productive part of the coastal shelf. Fishermen said sandy-rock formations that had supported lobster populations for decades were broken apart. They had warned that the route crossed shifting sand and suggested alternatives. The developer chose the straighter path. The cables later broke repeatedly, requiring recurring repairs and reopening the disturbance.

Construction did not just interrupt fishing temporarily. It altered the physical and ecological conditions on which particular forms of fishing depended.

0 radar
On most small coastal vessels in Yunlin and Changhua
47 min
Estimated time for a drifting ship to reach the Yunlin wind farm in one cited scenario
Safety Tension

Many coastal fishermen navigate by sight, memory, and local habit.

“Before, when I went out at night, I could look at the moon and stars to judge direction — really, you can. But now, because the wind farm lights are all over — this area is bright and that area is bright — you have to judge which side is which.”

Shi-Xuan Lin  ·  Gillnet Fisherman, Lunweiwan Fishing Port

The wind farms introduced hundreds of new lights that made navigation difficult. More so, partially completed structures were not always visible from every angle, and new obstacles did not always appear on navigation charts before installation.

The turbines also sat between major anchorage areas. For fishermen, the fear was not only collision with the structures themselves, but what would happen if a larger vessel drifted into the site during severe weather.

“In these twenty years, if it happens — if a cruise ship hits the turbines — we are finished. A company can go bankrupt and withdraw. Where can the people who live here go?”

Ping-Shun Li  ·  Chairman, Yunlin County Offshore Fishing Boating Association

100+
Fishing boats mobilized to confront work vessels at sea
Criminal
Complaints filed against fishermen, claiming the settlement was obtained through fraud
NT$26M
In bribes later tied to local politicians and company-linked actors
Legal & Political Tension

No offshore wind developer in Taiwan has ever been granted exclusive rights to any sea area. Safety zones are legally recommendatory. Whether guard boats can actually drive fishing vessels away is still debatable. But on the water, fishermen were driven away anyway. In at least one documented case, a guard vessel even maneuvered directly in front of a fishing boat, nearly causing a collision.

In Yunlin, Ping-Shun Li's association mobilized more than one hundred boats to confront Yunneng's work vessels. A settlement was reached by the end of 2020. Then, in February 2021, the company reversed course, claimed the settlement had been obtained through fraud, and filed criminal complaints. Police investigators arrived in the fishing villages before dawn. Han-Shu Chung, Director of the Environmental Rights Foundation Taichung Office, described the resulting pressure as both legal and economic.

“Basically the whole fishing village, the fishermen, were taken to the prosecutor’s office for questioning. On the one hand they were facing judicial pressure, and on the other hand, during construction they continued to face the mutual impact between the developer’s construction work and their operations.”

Han-Shu Chung  ·  Director, Environmental Rights Foundation Taichung Office

Chung also described a more corrosive form of political conflict:

“After offshore wind developers come in, they will try to win over certain fishermen. It has a dividing effect on the whole community. People start to suspect each other: ‘Did he negotiate something with the wind company?’ The original trust and relationships face major fragmentation.”

Han-Shu Chung  ·  Director, Environmental Rights Foundation Taichung Office

Relationships that had long structured fishing communities were strained by the project itself. That pressure later culminated in scandal: by 2025, local politicians had been convicted of accepting NT$26 million ($800K+ USD) in bribes disguised as construction fees, and company executives were also found guilty.

6+
Months between compensation allocation and broad awareness, in some fishermen's accounts
0
Direct notices received by many fishermen about changing safety zones and construction activity
Incompatible
Radio systems — fishing boats and wind farm vessels cannot communicate directly at sea
Communication Tension

The absence of information was structural. Before construction, many fishermen did not know the precise location of the turbines, the layout of the project, or the routes of the cables. The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) process required only a single public briefing, and fisheries stakeholders were not legally required to be notified directly. During construction, navigation notices moved through official shipping channels that many small fishing boats had no equipment to access. Even at sea, real-time communication was undermined by incompatible radio systems.

The institutions meant to represent fishermen did not always close that gap. In Yunlin, capture fishermen were a minority within an association dominated by aquaculture and oyster interests. Li ultimately built his own organization — Yunlin County Offshore Fishing Boating Association — because he believed the Yunlin Fisheries Association would not speak for him.

Across these different dimensions, it is clear that fishermen were not meaningfully consulted before decisions were made, not clearly informed as those decisions were implemented, and not adequately protected once the consequences arrived. Their gear drifted into structures no one had properly shown them on a map. Their grounds were closed by notices they never received. Their boats shared water with vessels they could not reliably speak to. When they protested, they were prosecuted. When they organized, their communities were divided against themselves. The conflicts were produced by the buildout — by speed, by weak planning, and by a repeated assumption that the presence of fishermen in the water was an obstacle to manage rather than a reality to respect.

A turbine foundation seen from a small fishing boat

Costs

A fisherman rides atop an “iron ox” in Wanggong Fishing Port, Changhua, on the way to harvesting oysters. Several wind turbines tower behind.

The turbines are standing. The cables are laid. The wind farm is generating electricity. What it cost the communities that absorbed its construction is harder to measure, partly because almost no one was measuring it in the first place. Taiwan's coastal fisheries operate under what Fei-Chun Wu describes as a system of “low management.” There is no mandatory catch reporting for nearshore fishermen. The government does not know how much a given fisherman catches, how much he earns, or where he goes. By the time compensation had to be calculated, there was no reliable baseline from which to measure loss.

The costs that follow are therefore drawn not from a complete official record, but from what fishermen themselves can count and what they describe — from fuel receipts to family fractures. Some can be measured in New Taiwan dollars. Others cannot be measured at all.

The costs of the buildout are unevenly distributed, imperfectly measured, and inadequately compensated. They fall heaviest on the fishermen who depended most on the waters that were taken, and they do not end when construction does. But the turbines are built. The contracts remain in force. The question now is what can still be made inside what remains.

Wind farm in operation with fishing boats maintaining distance

Living with a New Sea

Fisherman driving an “iron ox” crosses a man-made sea road at low tide to harvest oysters. An empty fishing boat floats in the background.

Not everything is pure loss in the same way forever. Some longline fishermen now fish around turbine foundations where species aggregate. Shi-Xuan Lin notes that mullet seem more plentiful in some areas. But even those gains are uneven, and in some cases they benefit others more than the fishermen who depend on the sea for their livelihood. As Lin explains, “After completion, there are more fish under the turbines, so recreational fishing became extremely popular. Those small boats catch so much fish that it affects the market price for us real fishermen. When their catch volume is high, the price drops.”

The responses to this altered sea vary as much as the gains do. In Changhua, the fishermen’s association has tried to work from within the constraints rather than pretend they can be reversed. Zong-Ru Shen says formal disputes between developers and fishermen have fallen from many cases annually to just two in the most recent year. The association has released fish fry inside the wind farm for four consecutive years, funding the effort itself and choosing species based on whether they are likely to remain in Changhua’s waters. It tried cage aquaculture first, but the tides were too strong, the cages deformed, and the effort failed. Now the association is shifting to a bottom-dwelling perch that tends to stay where it is released.

Changhua Fisheries Association storefront
Changhua Fisheries Association also serving as a seafood storefront for fishermen.

Yet to Shen, these efforts only underscore what was missing from the beginning.

“The most regrettable thing is that nobody thought seriously about solutions beyond money — what could allow older fishermen, who only know fishing, to keep fishing and survive. The wind farms have already been built for six or seven years, and no developer has really thought through this.”

Zhong-Ru Shen  ·  Section Chief, Changhua District Fishermen’s Association

Wind farms were supposed to bring new employment to the communities that absorbed their construction. In practice, very little has arrived. During construction, some fishermen worked as marine mammal observers during pile-driving, but those positions lasted only as long as the pile-driving did. In Changhua, thirteen fishermen received training and certification for merchant-ship crew roles on work vessels through a developer-funded program. But training does not guarantee a job. A company may certify thirteen people and need only three. The rest are left holding certificates and waiting.

In Yunlin, the gap is starker. The developer’s operations and maintenance vessels leave from Chiayi or Taichung Ports, not from any Yunlin harbors. Local fishermen have not been hired as guard boats. The wind farm sits in Yunlin’s waters and generates electricity that meets ninety percent of the county’s non-industrial demand. Yet many of the jobs tied to it are located elsewhere.

The fishermen most affected are also the least likely to benefit from whatever transition programs do exist. Many are in their fifties and sixties. They have fished since childhood. Merchant-ship crew certification requires safety training, physical fitness standards, and adaptation to a work culture entirely unlike fishing. For older fishermen, the most realistic alternative is often a minimum-wage security guard position on land — work many describe as unbearable after a lifetime of freedom at sea.

If new livelihoods remain this limited, replacement jobs cannot be the measure of whether fishermen have been meaningfully supported. Again and again, fishermen returned to the same point: what they needed was not just money or certificates, but sustained help with the practical consequences of a transformed sea, from changing fishing grounds to altered navigation routes and new safety risks.

“We hope that wind power companies and developers will do more for local fishermen.”

Wu-Quan Zhang · Gillnet and Longline Fisherman, Changhua County

Along this coast, fishermen pointed to one company more than any other as an example of what that kind of presence can look like in practice. They consistently described Ørsted differently from other developers. As Shi-Xuan Lin put it, “Across all the wind farms, I feel Ørsted is the one that interacts with fishermen more. They hold meetings and explain what they’re doing. When we have concerns, they respond. But other companies basically have no interaction with us at all.” This account reflects what fishermen reported rather than a comprehensive assessment of the industry, but one point comes through clearly in their telling: sustained personal engagement from wind companies matter.

In 2024, the Taiwan Ocean and Environmental Sustainability Law Center published fisheries liaison guidance recommending that every offshore wind farm appoint a dedicated liaison officer and engage with fishermen continuously from planning through operations. The guidance is voluntary. Fei-Chun Wu, who helped compile it, says it changed nothing.

In Yunlin, Ping-Shun Li is not waiting for the industry to produce a workable model. His association collects marine debris on every trip, documents white dolphin sightings for the Marine Conservation Administration, and tracks the horseshoe crab — a vulnerable species with populations declining in the United States but abundant in the Taiwan Strait. The group has also cooperated with an American marine biologist who spent a month on Li’s boat collecting tissue samples. And for five years it has recorded daily catch data — species, location, season, coordinates — building a dataset no government agency requested and no environmental review ever required.

Taiwan’s buildout is not finished. The developable areas along the western coast will eventually be fully built out. After that, the program will move north to places like Penghu and Miaoli County, where fishing communities may be even less prepared. Han-Shu Chung is already working in those areas. His center bypasses the district fishermen’s associations and goes directly to the ports, telling fishermen what to watch for: when environmental review briefings are scheduled, what coordinates are being proposed, and where intervention is still possible.

“We don’t want to replicate the current model — using money to ‘send fishermen away,’ and then forcefully building wind farms. It should be a more cautious process. Don’t make it like on the west coast here, where in the end fishermen can only — only after everything is already decided — be forced to accept the compensation.”

Han-Shu Chung  ·  Director, Environmental Rights Foundation Taichung Office

What happened on the west coast cannot be changed. But if that experience has produced anything beyond loss, it is a warning. The hope is that elsewhere, the government, developers, and fishermen can find a way to work with one another early — before the seabed is prepared, before the nets are torn, before there is nothing left to negotiate.

The Taiwan Strait at dawn — turbines on the horizon, a fishing boat heading out

Fishermen’s Horizon

Two fishermen pose — looking toward the horizon as the sun sets over a mound of empty oyster shells

Offshore wind contracts run for decades. The turbines now standing off Taiwan’s western coast are expected to remain there for more than twenty years. For the fishermen who work these waters, that means the problem is no longer how to stop the buildout that has already happened. It is how to imagine a future inside a sea that may not return to what it was within their working lives.

That future does not look the same from every harbor. In Changhua, Wu-Quan Zhang does not talk about grand transitions. If the wind farms remain, he says, then the coast should at least be made more livable and the area made attractive enough for tourists to come.

Mural walkway at Taizicun fishing harbour
A walkway and mural at Taizicun Fishing Harbor in Yunlin — an early example of the kind of community revitalisation Zhang envisions for the coast.

For Ping-Shun Li, the horizon is harder to separate from the life he has already spent at sea. He still talks about freedom. He still tries to think toward some arrangement in which fishermen can continue to make a living without being forced off the water entirely. But even his most hopeful idea — a marine ranch he imagines growing within the wind farm and spilling outward into surrounding waters, providing fish for fishermen to catch — depends on forms of cooperation that do not yet exist.

And beneath both visions lies the same uncertainty: what happens when the contracts end, when the turbines age, when another generation decides whether to remain? No one along this coast can answer that yet. Decommissioning is distant. The younger generation sees what their fathers have endured, and most will not stay. Offshore wind is often narrated as infrastructure for the future. Along this coast, it has also become a force that narrows what futures remain imaginable for the people who were already there.

What the fishermen ask for, in the end, is not abstract. They ask to be told before decisions are made. They ask for waters they can still work, compensation that reflects what was actually lost, and futures that do not require them to cease being who they are. Taiwan’s offshore wind story is often told as a national success. From the water, it is also a story about who was expected to absorb the cost of that success.

Final glimmer of sunset disappearing over the Lunweiwan Fishing Port horizon.

Hope is every day. It’s like fishing itself — there’s always continuing hope. When I think about tomorrow — maybe the weather will be a bit better and we can go catch fish — that’s hope. It’s happiness. If today was a good catch, everyone gathers to drink together. If today wasn’t a good catch, everyone comforts each other — and still drinks together. That’s the habit of hope we have right now.

Ping-Shun Li  ·  Chairman, Yunlin County Offshore Fishing Boating Association

Tomorrow the weather may be better.
If it is, he will go out.